Η αντιπαράθεση των "συστημικών" και "αντισυστημικών" μπλοκ στον χώρο των γκέι δικαιωμάτων ανεβαίνει κατηγορία:
A gay
woman is Serbia’s next prime minister. Was her selection just for show?
Imagine that you’re the well-established leader of a
Balkan country, solidly in control of the ruling party, and you’ve decided that
in order to remain in power you must gradually undermine
the democratic institutions that have been built up in the years since the
collapse of communism a generation ago. You’ve already begun ratcheting up the
pressure on the media, intimidating your political opponents, and quietly
eroding checks and balances.
But there’s a problem: You’re also trying to join the
European Union, which you know will boost your popularity with voters. And that
won’t work unless you can convince Brussels that you’re a trustworthy liberal
democrat who respects diversity and values tolerance. What to do?
In the case of Serbia, you name a young, Western-educated LGBT
woman as prime minister. That, at any rate, is what President Aleksandar Vucic
has done. Now the question is whether anyone will take the appointment
seriously.
The nominee, 41-year-old Ana Brnabic, has no party
affiliation and has never been elected to any position. She entered politics
last year, when Vucic made her minister of public administration and local
self-government. While the role of president is supposed to be largely
ceremonial, it is widely expected that Vucic will continue to hold the reins of
power. He even said as much, announcing
that Brnabic will focus only on the economy, while former prime minister Ivica
Dacic will “essentially lead the political part” of the
government.(Paradoxically, Dacic, who like Vucic began his political career as
an ally of former Serb strongman Slobodan Milosevic, has a history of making
homophobic comments.)
Serbia, which became an E.U. candidate in 2012 but
retains close relations to Moscow, is a socially conservative country: just
under half of respondents in a 2012 poll said that
“homosexuality is an illness that should be treated.” A Pride parade in 2010 ended in violence after almost 150 people
were injured when they were attacked by anti-gay protesters. Pride parades were
not permitted again by authorities until 2014. In recent years they’ve been
highly militarized, with some 5,000 policemen protecting the route.
Vucic’s decision was immediately lauded by western
media and welcomed by international diplomats. But some observers are
skeptical. They say that Serbia is trying to reassure the West that it supports
European values while masking a trend of rising authoritarianism.
Since the nomination, many in the president’s party
and in the ruling coalition have complained about the selection of Brnabic
because of her sexual orientation and for days her approval by the Serbian
parliament was in question. Vucic
seems to have whipped up enough support
to ensure her election. Still, there are widespread doubts about how much she
will actually be able to achieve.
Koen Slootmaeckers, a Serbia-watcher at
Queen Mary University of London, says that the nomination is merely the latest
example of the president’s strategy of “tactical Europeanization,”
in which he pays lip-service to so-called Western values while eroding democratic norms. “Nominating
Brnabic as PM is an effort to placate western opinion and give them an argument
for the E.U. commissioners and chancellors and diplomats that he can’t actually
be so bad if he is nominating gay woman to be PM,” said Slootmaeckers.
Given the weakness of the opposition, Eurocrats see
Vucic as the most important politician in Serbia and assume that he is the key
to maintaining peace in the restive region. Many European policymakers believe
that former nationalist strongmen are the only leaders in the Balkans who can
deliver on the reforms necessary to bring their countries into the E.U. fold. Florian Bieber, director of the Center for
Southeast European Studies at the University of Graz in Austria, refers to this
approach as “stabilitocracy.”
In the case of Serbia, European leaders are
prioritizing delicate negotiations with Kosovo, whose independence Belgrade
still does not recognize, as well as getting Belgrade to join ongoing efforts
to check Russia’s growing regional influence. But this strategy of relying on
one person carries a risk of long-term damage to democracy and is already
making some otherwise pro-E.U. Serbs fed up with the bloc.
On Friday, Vucic was feted at an inauguration his
party compared to the funeral of Marshall Josip Broz Tito, who led Yugoslavia
from the end of World War II until his death in 1980. The leaders of 38
countries were present at the funeral, a testament to Tito’s role as the leader
of the Non-Aligned Movement. That tradition of balancing between East and West
is popular with the Serbian public, and it is one that Vucic likes to emulate.
Brnabic will likely be sworn in on June 30 with far
less fanfare. One Serbian lifestyle website summed up its expectations for her
term with an article entitled “42 things that will change in Serbia with a gay
PM.” Next to each number in the listicle is an empty
space, except for number 42, which simply says “NOTHING.”
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